In 2010 Sudan’s first elections
since the 1980s took place as part of the CPA, designed in theory to open up
Sudan to democratic governance. Instead,
and quite predictably it opened up an opportunity for Bashir to legitimise his
rule both domestically and internationally. Bashir’s NCP party won the election
by a significantly (some say suspiciously) high margin. The main opposition
parties, the SPLM under Yasir Arman, the Umma Party under Al-Sadig al Mahdi and
Al-Mirghani’s Democratic Union Party (DUP) all boycotted the election. This gave rise top the popular movement
‘Girifna’ (We are fed up) which saw the boycott as a cowardly move by
opposition parties and called for a sea-change in the political landscape,
currently dominated by the old guard. In their defence, the parties claimed
that the election result was predictable and proved that not much had changed
despite the post-CPA euphoria.
Due to the late stage pulling out
of certain candidates, the ballot papers could not be changed so some
candidates still got some votes:
Candidate
|
Party
|
Proportion (%)
|
Number of votes
|
Omer Bashir
|
NCP
|
62.24
|
6,901,694
|
Yassir Arman
|
SPLM
|
21.69
|
2,193,826
|
Abdullah Deng Nhial
|
Popular Congress Party
|
3.94
|
396,139
|
Hatim Al-Sir
|
DUP
|
1.93
|
195,668
|
Al-Sadig Al-Mahdi
|
NUP
|
0.96
|
96,868
|
Looking ahead:
In April 2014, Bashir announced
that he would run again in 2015 despite having promised that he wouldn’t the
year before. He had stressed the need to inject fresh blood in the party, but
had also left the door open saying that the matter would ultimately be decided
by the Shura Council and the National Congress Party’s general convention. The
party chairman Ghandour has recently come out as saying that Bashir is the
natural candidate for the NCP for the upcoming elections.
Recently, Musa Mohammed Ahmed
from the former Eastern rebel group, the Beja Congress has called on the NCP to
delay elections and reach consensus on a permanent constitution. Others have
similarly urged for a reconsideration regarding the election schedule, from
Al-Mahdi’s Umma party to Mirghani’s DUP in regards to national reform and the
beleaguered national dialogue process.
Yvonne Helle, the UNDP Country
Representative and the EU (through training of election staff) both seem to
press forward despite opposition parties’ hesitance about the timing and
sequence of the elections (vis-a-vis the constitution etc). Helle has said that the UN would send a
special mission in December to meet with the NEC and government officials to
outline areas for support in the 2015 elections, she has not committed to any
financial support.
In November 2014, the NEC deputy
director, Mukhtar Al-Asam, urged political parties and civil society
organisation to agree on an election law and stressed the need for early preparedness
ahead of the elections. He pointed out that
the constitutional organ’s mandate expires on April 2015 making it imperative
for a new mandate to be given lest there be a constitutional vacuum. There has been no official response giving
rise to questions of whether the elections can happen come April of
2015.
There are several questions to
consider including on finances, legitimacy, public trust, free and fair
campaigning and continuing conflict:
- Election commission: will the same people (NEC secretary general Jalal Mohamed Ahmed; NEC deputy director, Mukhtar Al-Asam) lead it? How will it gain credibility ahead of the elections, given that it is the same group who ran the last election?
- Will the elections be as ill-planned like last time? Will there be public trust in the process and the implementation given the claims of corruption and fixing in 2010?
- Is the result a foregone conclusion? Given that the conditions they have set have not been met and seem likely to not be met: will opposition groups boycott the elections again?
- Can attempts to stifle opposition (extra-judicial arrests etc) be seen as scuppering their chances to win any seats?
- What will the security situation be like when the elections take place? Can elections take place when so much of the two areas are impenetrable and therefore likely to be ignored come Election Day?
- Where will the money to finance the elections, currently 800million Sudanese pounds (National Election Commission estimate), come from?
- Will the EU and the UN continue to support the government while major opposition groups are objecting?
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